Active Defense as the Fourth Pillar of the Israeli Security Concept
The Lesson from Operation Protective Edge
Introduction
The traditional Israeli security concept proposed three pillars - deterrence, early warning and decisive defeat (hachra’a) - as the basis for Israel’s ability to cope with the security challenges surrounding the country.[1] This concept, which had served as the basis for Israeli thinking in the early years of the State, was found to be lacking in the 1980s and 1990s. The missile threat on the Israeli home front in the first Gulf War in 1991, and more so during the Second Lebanon War in 1996, informally led to the addition, through the Meridor Committee on Israel’s Defense Doctrine in 2007, of a fourth, defensive pillar.[2] Operations Pillar of Defense in 2012 and Protective Edge in 2014 further demonstrated the centrality of defense to Israel’s future security challenges.
However, a conceptual debate about the centrality of defense within the security concept has yet to be carried out. Despite the centrality of defense to the new concept, the requisite combination of defense with the other components of the security concept - deterrence, early warning, and decisive defeat - has not yet been deeply examined. Furthermore, a comprehensive analysis of the existing tensions and the required balance between defense and offense and its implications has been lacking.
Operation Protective Edge will serve as the basis for our discussion of the status of defense in the Israeli security concept. During the operation, an active defense system was widely employed, and we shall use this experience to examine the status of active defense within the wider concept of the defensive pillar of the security concept.
This article will focus on these two key issues. First, we will examine the balance between defense and offense within the security concept, followed by an analysis of the debate between the political and military echelons over the role of defense. Both issues will be examined for contrast and comparison, over two-time periods - before and during Protective Edge.
We will offer two main arguments. The first concerns the relationship and balance between defense and offense. Operation Protective Edge was a defensive strategy where the defensive element was dominant, unlike the military concepts prior to the Operation that favored the dominance of protection. The second argument deals with the role of defense in the eyes of the political and military echelons, following an examination of differences between politicians who regarded defense as external to the IDF and equal in value to offense and the IDF which regards defense as an integral component of its role.
This article is divided into four parts. In the first we will discuss the dilemmas arising from the addition of the defensive pillar to the Israeli security concept; in the second we will examine prior concepts about the relation between defense and offense versus the reality during Protective Edge; in the third part, we will delve into the gaps between the political and military echelons, prior to and during Protective Edge; and in the fourth we will summarize and propose several operational conclusions.
A methodological note - In this article, we will discuss two aspects of defense. One is the “defensive pillar” as a new component of the Israeli security concept, meaning defense of the home front from all threats. The other deals with active defense - the air defense array and active defense systems which are concerned with thwarting the enemy’s rocket and missile capabilities and not with repulsing enemy forces attempting to enter our territory.
Dilemmas in Force Design Due to the Addition of a Defensive Element to the Israeli Security Concept
An understanding that Israel’s security concept needed to change led to the addition of the defensive pillar. This addition generated a number of dilemmas due to a clash between the defensive element and the other elements of the security concept, as well as the normal tensions underlying any system undergoing change and reorganization.
Organizationally, as with any system whose resources are limited, the addition of defensive systems directly reduces other units' budgets. Since the struggle over resources underlies any organization or system, the decision to develop, produce, employ, and maintain defensive systems was met with opposition from the proponents of an offensive approach within the IDF, who were apprehensive about budgetary issues as well as the shift in focus to the new systems.
Conceptually, a debate developed among decision makers, both politicians and military officers, about the influence of defensive systems on the decisive defeat concept and its derivative tool - offense - on the broader IDF security concept. Opponents of the defensive pillar raised serious arguments concerning the problematic nature of relying on defense. They argued that “a defensive line is bound to break,”[10] and that real damage would be sustained to the decisive defeat and offensive principles. These might well become secondary within the security concept, due to the creation of a defensive capacity able to neutralize the offensive capabilities of the opponent.[4]
An additional conceptual debate centered around the link between deterrence and the defensive systems. A defensive capability does contribute to Israel’s deterrence. However, a tension exists between deterrence and defense. Investing in defense[5] may be perceived by the other side as an attempt to avoid confrontation, as an Israeli vulnerability. The proponents of this approach argue that Israeli deterrence will always provide the best defense, and investing in defensive means is a waste of resources.[6]
A third, difficult dilemma that stems from the addition of a defensive pillar to the security concept is related to the flexibility of the force. For a long time, the IDF preferred to invest in flexible weapons systems, with both offensive and defensive characteristics. The clearest example is the fighter jet, capable of carrying out both offensive action - bombing enemy targets; and defensive missions - intercepting enemy aircraft in Israel airspace. Israeli armored forces are another good example. The anti-aircraft array is a defensive weapon, while tanks, according to IDF doctrine, are an offensive one. However, already in the 1950s, the IDF preferred to rely on tanks for defensive purposes and not only for offensive ones, and thus consolidated the idea of flexibility.[7]
Defensive and active defensive systems do not realize this conceptual idea, since they normally lack the required flexibility to balance between offense and defense.[8] A large budgetary, operational, and conceptual investment in a non-multifunctional system required - and still requires - a fundamental change in attitude to force design concepts and in the willingness of decision makers to adopt such systems.
These dilemmas, which are related to the role of defensive systems within force design continue to accompany decision makers who must create the required balance between budgetary constraints, the different elements of the security concept and flexibility for the military force. In the article’s next section, we will examine the balance between offense and defense in earlier concepts, as compared to the reality of Operation Protective Edge.
The Balance Between Defense and Offense in the IDF’s Operational Concept Compared to Its Execution During Operation Protective Edge
In this section, we will review the IDF’s official approach[9] when dealing with the defensive pillar, and compare it to the orders which were written and distributed during Operation Protective Edge.
The IDF’s approach, as it was developed prior to Protective Edge, reveals the crystallization of an understanding of the role of defense in relation to the security challenges. It supports the centrality of defense in the changing battlefield and the need to augment this element. On the other hand, this approach emphasizes the importance of a balanced security concept, while doubly emphasizing the roles of deterrence and decisive defeat. It concludes that the defensive pillar accompanies offensive action and in fact enables its implementation, therefore a necessary balance must be maintained between offensive and defensive responses.
This approach makes clear the (current) need to continue examining the defensive pillar’s influence on the other three pillars of the concept - deterrence, early warning and decisive defeat. This examination, which has not been satisfactorily performed, exists in the shadow of the presumption that the role of defense is to enable the realization of the offensive concept.
Furthermore, the secondary role of defense as a supporting element to the offensive effort is perceived by some of the shapers of this approach as not only secondary to the other components of the security concept, but as a component which could actually become a heavy burden. They fear that it could prevent further development of the other components and damage, even weaken, Israel’s offensive response.
In conclusion, underlying the IDF’s approach is the assumption that the defensive pillar plays a lesser role than the role it actually played during Protective Edge (as we will show below). This approach even views the defensive pillar as a “stepson” of the security concept, which was born to live in the shadow of its two dominant brothers - deterrence and decisive defeat.
In reality, during Protective Edge, defense received a very different type of treatment. The massive aerial bombardment and limited ground maneuver which specifically targeted the offensive tunnels gave the fighting the appearance of an offensive operation. However, Protective Edge’s rationale was conservatively defensive, with limited objectives, focused on returning calm to the south of Israel and removing threats. Examination of the General Staff’s operational idea demonstrates the same rationale - the defensive effort as the priority, even during the offensive stage of the ground maneuver. This rational was also shared by the political echelon, prior to and during the operation, whose main objective was to thwart and prevent injury to the Israeli home front.
This examination exposes a growing gap concerning the defensive element between the IDF’s concept and attitudes prior to the operation and the actual approach adopted during Protective Edge. Prior to the operation, the prevailing concept in the IDF viewed the defensive pillar, in the best case, as an element supporting the offensive, which was supposed to assist the other three pillars, primarily the offensive (decisive defeat) one; or in the worst case as a delaying factor which would hinder the proper employment of the other elements. In fact, it is clear that during Protective Edge, the defensive pillar acquired a central importance, even gaining dominance over the other elements of the classic security concept.
Why was such a wide gap created between perceptions of defense prior to the operation (as well as during other operations) and its actual implementation?
There are three possible reasons, which in combination created this gap. First, the lack of study of the influence of the defensive pillar, a pillar that has strengthened over the years, on the other security concept elements. Second, the hostilities that led to the writing of the General Staff and conceptual position papers were major operations, in which the offense was the primary component, while defense played only a supporting role. An operation directed at achieving limited objectives, such as Protective Edge, was not mentioned in these position papers, and therefore the defensive element, which was central to the operation, did not find expression in them. The third reason relates to the IDF’s ethos. The offensive ethos of the IDF is clearly expressed in these conceptual papers, as part of an outlook that emphasizes the centrality of offensive force design. In the current reality, this is not the sole consideration and other non-military considerations play a significant role too.
Despite the gap between the defense concept and its implementation, it seems that the centrality of defense within the Israeli security concept, and in the totality of its practical tools, is not in doubt. Still, the question remains, why not develop defense to the maximum?
A partial answer to this question was presented in the first part of the present article, which noted the struggle over resources, the balance among the security concept components, and flexibility of force design, as considerable and counterbalancing factors against the desire to invest greater resources in defense. However, it is important to note two points within the IDF discourse, which hint at dilemmas arising from apprehension about an over-reliance on the defensive pillar.
The first is linked to the psychological-cognitive characteristic associated with defensive capabilities and to a possible failure of defense. We have already mentioned the basic tenet of ground warfare that “a defensive line is bound to break,” as a basic principle of defense. This accurate observation has one more implication that is directly connected to the Israeli active defense systems. Israeli expectations, both military and civil, as were reflected in Operations Pillar of Defense and Protective Edge, are for a perfect defense.
However, we should remember that there is a technological aspect to Israel’s struggle with its opponents.[11] It is entirely conceivable that Israel’s enemies are working on a response to its defensive advantage, and by finding a way to breach the defensive systems, will strike, even partially, at its home front. Such a strike may considerably reduce the effectiveness of Israel’s defensive systems. There is an apprehension that an over-reliance on defensive systems exposes Israel, given the sense that each blow to the home front, even if only amounting to a few rockets and casualties, would be considered a major failure.
A good demonstration of this was the media's attitude about the closure of Ben Gurion Airport following the landing of a single rocket in a nearby town,[12] and the resentment of the residents of the Gaza border towns due to the IDF’s failure to intercept mortar shells.[13] Such a concept, which relies on the dominance of the defense, may create an unachievable benchmark during a conflict, thus generating public, psychological and operational disappointment.
The second point is associated with the required balance between defense, offense and decisive defeat in relation to the length of a campaign. The success of the active defense systems in Protective Edge, both the Iron Dome interceptions and the early warning, identification and location system, provided political and military decision makers with a longer period to make decisions, due to the reduced impact on the Israeli home front. Massive damage to the Israeli home front would have forced a shortening of the campaign, involving a ground maneuver, a massive employment of aerial strikes and wide collateral damage to civilians on the other side.
This breathing room, unlike the situation in the Second Lebanon War, had a real impact on the campaign’s length. An examination of the strategic objectives of the operation raises an essential question about the role of the defensive system in influencing the operational rationale of the campaign. The limited strategic objectives which did not seek to achieve a decisive defeat pushed the offensive effort into second place and considerably eroded the prevailing understanding of the need for a short campaign. The apprehension that arises is connected to a desire to balance defense and offense when determining the strategic objectives of future operations, and with the need to conduct a systemic analysis of the influences of all defensive systems on all types of IDF operations.
The Gap Between the Earlier Attitude and the Operation’s Conduct
What we learn from this gap leads us to two complementary conclusions. The first relates to the importance of integrating the defensive pillar in Israel’s security challenges, the other tries to balance the dominance of defense, as seen in Protective Edge, with future challenges.
Assuming that operations such as Protective Edge - with limited objectives, lacking a clear foundation for achieving decisive defeat, and a goal of restoring calm - will continue to form a key part of the totality of security challenges facing Israel in the near future, then focusing on defense in general and on active defense in particular is both vital and proper. Planning such a campaign (of limited objectives) and its conduct will necessitate regarding this pillar as a key component, alongside the other security concept elements.
That said, it is important to look forward, beyond the last campaign. Despite the success of the active defense systems, history teaches us that over-reliance on defensive systems is dangerous. Our opponents’ ability to breach these systems means that over-reliance is problematic at best, and grossly irresponsible at worst.
The challenge is twofold. From the technological- operational perspective, we must continue to maintain Israel’s qualitative advantage and to increase it, to be ready for any new challenge. From the conceptual-psychological perspective, we must not be drawn into feeling that such operations (of limited objectives) are the only challenge. We must continue discussing both all-out and limited war doctrines in order to develop and strengthen them. We must examine how, in such a scenario, offense can be turned into the main element in the decision makers’ toolbox, in order not to unsettle the important balance between offense and defense. This challenge is not limited to the understanding of the military echelon. It is validated by the need to explain these insights to the political echelon and to emphasize the complexity and problematic nature of over-reliance on defense.
The Dispute Between the Political and Military Echelons Over Air- Defense
Our primary argument here is about the existence of deep conceptual gaps concerning defensive systems between the political echelon and the IDF. While politicians regard the defensive element as external to the IDF, a parallel track to the military-offensive and political elements, the IDF regards defense as an integral component of its function, to be employed in a similar manner to other components of the military system, and devoid of any specific importance justifying special treatment. These gaps create tensions between the political and military echelons, regarding the type of force design and employment to be adopted.
Even prior to Protective Edge, the political echelon placed defense high on its list of priorities. The political echelon was the motivating force behind the development of this capability, due to its understanding of future challenges. It therefore gained a sense of ownership over the system. In the statements of several defense ministers during the years 2001-2010, and in an interview with Amir Peretz, defense minister from 2005-2006, their perception of defense as an important and central element is apparent: “We must not be satisfied with offense only, but must create an integrated defense... passive... plus Iron Dome which will guarantee the military and political echelons completely new maneuvering space...”[14] This perception was also clearly reflected in actual force design and in the political echelon’s will to emphasize defensive, especially active defense systems, as significant element deserving of special attention.[15]
Throughout the operation one may identify the deep involvement of the political echelon in decisions regarding active defense and defense in general. The winds blowing in from the political echelon regarding defense in previous years did not subside with the beginning of Protective Edge. The importance ascribed by the political echelon to defense and its different appreciation of defense’s role was expressed in their involvement in decisions regarding the employment of active defenses. The high regard and priority given to defense was reflected in the association between the successful employment of active defense systems in intercepting Hamas’s rockets and missiles on the one hand, and with the political echelon regarding this success as strategically thwarting Hamas’ objectives on the other. The strategic importance ascribed to these interceptions became an attractive factor and greatly contributed to the political echelon’s perspective of the defensive systems as being external to the IDF.
The key point is connected to the political echelon’s position on the balancing of offense and defense (as noted). The political echelon regards defense as enabling a reduction in the need to take the offensive and thus defense belongs to the political, not the military, toolbox.
On the other hand, the IDF regards defense as an internal element, similar to the other elements in its toolbox and to be employed in the same manner. This IDF approach in not only conceptual, but is reflected at the other military levels. This does not relate solely to the technical-organizational level, dealing with question of who employs the defense system and to whom it belongs, but touches on a broader perspective of the system and military action.
From the army’s viewpoint, since defensive tools belong to the military, they are part of the military toolbox, not the political echelon’s. Active defense is not a tool to be directly controlled by the political echelon and decision makers, but a military one. The role of defense from this perspective, is to support the offense and in effect to enable it.
This issue is associated with an operational issue of the highest priority: “What is to be defended?” There is a built-in tension between the natural political inclination to defend the population in the home front and the military-professional inclination, which is natural as well, to protect installations of strategic importance to the military campaign. Assuming that overall resources are limited, and that this is a practical, not a theoretical, dilemma, we are witnessing here another aspect of the gap between the two perceptions.[16]
Two questions arise from the gap between the positions and perceptions of the political and military echelons: Why does the political echelon aspire to directly control the active defense systems? Why does the IDF ignore the dissonance between itself and the political echelon?
As for direct control, there are some possible answers. First, regarding the ownership aspect, the political echelon regards itself as directly responsible for the very existence of active defense systems, having forced them upon the army, having obtained the funding from abroad and having pushed for their employment. This bestows upon them, in their opinion, the right to control a tool that they promoted. Second, this aspiration is associated with changes in the nature of war. In the past, the IDF stood between the home front and the enemy, but currently, in the age of missile and rocket wars, this separation has disappeared. The defense array is what separates citizens from rockets. Therefore, this array, brought to the army by the political echelon, should be under the latter’s control.
This point is associated with the meaning of failure. If, in the past, a tactical, even an operational, failure on the battlefield did not immediately affect the home front, currently, a tactical failure in intercepting a missile or a rocket leads directly to civilian casualties. The direct link between the success or failure of the active defense systems and citizens' lives has major political importance, and politicians therefore wish to control these systems, which they assume are easier to control than offensive systems. The offensive, decisive defeat effort draws international shockwaves, e.g. the Goldstone Report; it may entail heavy casualties; and may critically undermine regional stability. Therefore, the political echelon wishes to minimize it, preferring limited campaigns of a primarily defensive nature. Such campaigns offer better control and supervision, and politicians believe that they should be entrusted with these.
There are several possible answers to why the IDF ignores this dissonance between itself and the political echelon. First, the IDF’s offensive ethos is incompatible with the spirit of this defensive approach of limited operations. Conflicting ethos are not only a methodological problem, they also give rise to a cognitive dissonance that prevents one or both sides from understanding the gap.
Second, the IDF’s force design and its major capabilities - military units, weaponry and training- are all directed at an offensive scenario. These existing capabilities directly address the existing concept and prevent an understanding of the existing tension.
The third answer stems from an issue mentioned above, the multifunctional nature of the force. The active defense array is an anomaly in force design. It is not flexible, it cannot be employed for both offensive and defensive purposes as most of the force generated by the IDF.
The last reason is directly linked to the first, the offensive ethos. The IDF does not believe in the possibility of achieving victory in a war, campaign or a limited conflict through the defense. A victory always entails an offensive. This cognitive gap, alongside the other points raised above, feeds the existing dissonance between the IDF and the political echelon.
How Can These Gaps Be Narrowed?
The response to these gaps should, first and foremost, be a dialogue between the political and military echelons. Exposing these dilemmas is a necessary condition for their resolution, but is not sufficient. As noted, the military echelon should clarify to the politicians the problematic character of an over-reliance on defense. Both echelons should jointly study the characteristics of active defense systems employment, especially the built-in tension between defending critical national and military infrastructures, which on the one hand is essential to the offense and on the other, defending the home front and population centers.
Another issue to be clarified is the significance of overusing defense during limited operations on the readiness for an all-out war which may break out during such an operation. An overly intensive employment of active defense systems, disregarding the proper balance between these systems, during a limited operation, may hinder the tactical-operational as well as cognitive readiness for more intense warfare. Clarifying this issue is critical to coping with possible future situations in which a limited campaign on one front may escalate into an all-out war on several fronts. At that point, all basic concepts - from the readiness to embark on such a campaign to the level of supplies and armaments, would require a complete rethink.
Conclusion
Operation Protective Edge was the second operation, after Pillar of Defense, in which active defense system were widely employed. Despite the offensive employment of the air and ground forces, the prevailing concept throughout the operation regarded defense as the dominant element of the security concept. In fact, we witnessed a new IDF concept that regarded preventing enemy achievements as the first priority, no less than achieving our own objectives. Using soccer terminology, we may say that the IDF preferred a 1-0 win over a 5-1 victory.
Two major conceptual gaps were discussed in this article. The first dealt with the relation between offense and defense. Protective Edge had a defensive operational rationale. Preserving the status quo, seeking to achieve victory by forestalling enemy achievements, became the main operational idea. In such a campaign, the defensive element gained dominance over the other security concept elements, mainly offense and decisive defeat. This was a totally different situation from the previous national-military concept, which was aware of the importance of the defensive pillar, but never granted it leadership, certainly not dominance, over the other pillars.
The other gap is related to the role of defense in the eyes of the political and military echelons. Due to the reasons noted above - ownership of the defensive systems, the changing characteristics of warfare, and the will to control these systems directly - the political echelon regards the defensive element as being somewhat external to the IDF and on the same level as the military-offensive and the political elements. The IDF, on the other hand, regards defense as an internal element and therefore as part and parcel of the totality of force design and employment. This gap creates many tensions in force design and employment.
The main significance of the operation was in fact related to the success of the defensive pillar. In contrast to previous experience which demanded a rethink or a genuine process of drawing of conclusions following a failure, the positive results of the active defense systems encouraged us, and rightly so, to examine future influences.
We can predict, with a certain degree of caution, that its success will position defense as an equal, or perhaps as dominant, among the security concept’s pillars. Therefore, we expect to see it gaining influence among military and political decision makers. However, due to the dangers of an over-reliance on defense, whose risks were first exposed during the last operation, it is important to preserve the dominance of the IDF’s offensive capabilities and to further develop them.
The debate over the development and influence of the active defense array, was until now focused on the capability itself. It is our duty to develop an operational analysis of the totality of the IDF’s capabilities, hand in hand with the political echelon, in order to balance all of these elements, and to be prepared to optimally cope with all the challenges waiting at the IDF and Israel’s door.
[1] Israel Tal, National Security: The Israeli Experience, Praeger Security International, 2000, pp. 67-88.
[2] Dan Meridor, “Civil Defense as Part of the Israeli Security Concept,” in Elran Meir (Ed.) The Civil Front, INSS Memorandum No. 99, June 2009, pp. 15-16. [Hebrew]
[3] IDF Ground Forces Command, Ground Forces Operations, January 2012, p. 5. [Hebrew]
[4] Yiftah S. Shapir. “Lessons from the Iron Dome,” Military and Strategic Affairs, Volume 5, No. 1, May 2013, pp. 87-88.
[5] See, for example, former Prime Minister Ehud Olmert’s pronouncement: “A State cannot protect itself ad-infinitum,” in Ahia Rabed. “Olmert: A State cannot protect itself ad- infinitum,” Ynet, June 28, 2007, http://www.ynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-3418874,00.html [Hebrew]
[6] Meir Elran and David Friedman. “Gas Masks: Toward the End of the Line?” INSS Insight, No. 487, November 24, 2013.
[7] Zeev Elron. “The Armored threat and the IDF’s anti-tank array, prior to the Sinai War,” in Hagai Golan and Shaul Shai (eds). The Engines Thunder: 50 years to the Sinai War, Tel Aviv, Ma’arachot, 2006, p. 149. [Hebrew]
[8] One can interpret the employment of the Vulcan cannon in the First Lebanon War as an exception.
[9] The “IDF approach” mentioned here is a summation of the conceptual papers written over the last decade, in addition to the conclusions of the Meridor Committee on Israel’s Defense Doctrine.
[10] IDF Ground Forces Command, op. cit.
[11] Edward Luttwak, Strategy: The Logic of War and Peace. Harvard University Press, 2002.
[12] Yiftah Shapir, “Rocket warfare in Protective Edge,” in Kurz, Anat and Brom, Shlomo, (Eds) The Lessons of Operation Protective Edge, INSS, November 2014, p. 45.
[13] Oded Bar Meir, “In the Eshkol Regional Council: ‘Feeling like sitting ducks’,” Mynet, 21 August 2011, http://www.mynet.co.il/articles/0,7340,L-4111775,00.html. [Hebrew]
[14] Amir Peretz, an interview on the Knesset Channel, March 12, 2012, www.youtube.com/watch?v=f3LJsqI5F9k.
[15] According to Amir Rapaport, in the IDF’s Multi-Year Plan Teuza, active defense is assigned the third priority (together with the Air Force) after cyberwarfare and intelligence. The ground forces are accorded the forth priority. Amir Rapaport, “The IDF’s Multi-Year Plan: force design or the dismantling of the ground forces,” in “The IDF’s Force design”, Begin-Sadat Center for Strategic Studies, Colloquia on Strategy and Diplomacy, No. 28, Bar Ilan University, 2014, p. 24. [Hebrew]
[16] Yossi Arazi and Gal Perel quote Lt. Gen. Gadi Eizenkot, who stated as Head of the IDF Northern Command that: “The Iron Dome must be directed first and foremost at preserving the IDF’s offensive capability and not at defending civilians... it should protect Israel’s critical infrastructure, IDF bases, and military forces’ gathering points,” Yossi Arazi and Gal Perel. “Integrating Technologies to Protect the Home Front against Ballistic Threats and Cruise Missiles,” Military and Strategic Affairs, Volume 5, No. 3, December 2013, p. 94.
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